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In particular, the implications of the co-existence of lower-order divisions within a higher- order division in the same town or city should be worked out. All this trade encouraged development of trading and commercial towns in the rest of Gujarat, even in the highland area. For example, in a Rajput kingdom the families of the Rajput king and his nobles resided in the capital town, while the Rajput landlords and cultivators resided in villages. Advances in manufacturing technologies flooded markets in India and abroad with cheap, mass-produced fabrics that Indian handlooms could no longer compete with. But there was also another process. The members of a kings caste were thus found not only in his own kingdom but in other kingdoms as well. This was about 22% of all the recorded Mehta's in USA. To obtain a clear understanding of the second-order divisions with the Koli division, it is necessary first of all to find a way through the maze of their divisional names. Such a description not only overlooks the diversity and complexity of caste divisions and the rural-urban Link- ages in them but also leads to placing them in the same category as Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Jains, Buddhists, and so on. The sub- the manner in which the ideas of free marriages and castles society are used by both the old and the young in modern India and how a number of new customs and institutions have evolved to cope with these new ideas is a fascinating subject of study. There are other sub-castes like Satpanthis, who are mainly centered in Kutch district and have some social customs akin to Muslims . Hence started farming and small scale business in the British Raj to thrive better conditions ahead to maintain their livelihood. It has been pointed out earlier that an emphasis on the principle of division existed in the caste system in urban centres in traditional India. Usually, the affairs of the caste were discussed in large congregations of some fifty to hundred or even more villages from time to time. The small endogamous units, on the other hand, did not practise either. I am not suggesting that the principle of hierarchy was insignificant in the inter- or intra-caste relations in urban centres. The following 157 pages are in this category, out of 157 total. Limitations of the holistic view of caste, based as it is mainly on the study of the village, should be realized in the light of urban experience. For example, the Patanwadia population was spread continuously from the Patan area to central Gujarat, and the Talapada population from central Gujarat to Pal. Sindhollu, Chindollu. Both Borradaile and Campbell were probably mixing up small endogamous units of various kinds. The social relations between and within a large number of such segregated castes should be seen in the context of the overall urban environment, characterized as it was by co-existence of local Hindu castes with immigrant Hindu castes and with the non-Hindu groups such as Jains, Muslims, Parsis and Christians, a higher degree of monetization, a higher degree of contractual and market relations (conversely, a lesser degree of jajmani-type relations), existence of trade guilds, and so on. Britain's Industrial Revolution was built on the de-industrialisation of India - the destruction of Indian textiles and their replacement by manufacturing in England, using Indian raw materials and exporting the finished products back to India and even the rest of the world. Our analysis of the internal organization of caste divisions has shown considerable variation in the relative role of the principles of division and hierarchy. The two together formed a single complex of continental dimension. [1], People of India Gujarat Volume XXI Part Three edited by R.B Lal, P.B.S.V Padmanabham, G Krishnan & M Azeez Mohideen pages 1126-1129, Last edited on 14 November 2022, at 23:04, Learn how and when to remove this template message, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Vankar&oldid=1121933086, This page was last edited on 14 November 2022, at 23:04. This bulk also was characterized by hierarchy, with the relatively advanced population living in the plains at one end and the backward population living along with the tribal population in the highlands at the other end. Second, there used to be intense intra-ekda politics, and tads were formed as a result of some continuing conflict among ekda leaders and over the trial of violation of ekda rules. Jun 12, 2022. Most inter-divisional marriages take place between boys and girls belonging to the lowest order in the structure of divisions. The handloom weavers of Gujarat, Maharastra and Bengal produced and exported some of the world's most desirable fabrics. The village was a small community divided into a relatively small number of castes; the population of each caste was also small, sometimes only one or two households, with little possibility of existence of subdivisions; and there were intensive relationships of various kinds between the castes. Usually it consisted of wealthy and powerful lineages, distinguishing themselves by some appellation, such as Patidar among the Leva Kanbi, Desai among the Anavil, and Baj among the Khedawal. While almost all the social structures and institutions which existed in villagesreligion, caste, family, and so onalso existed in towns, we should not assume that their character was the same. The most important of them was the Koli division, which was, the largest division and mainly included small landholders, tenants and labourers. The three trading castes of Vania, Lohana and Bhatia were mainly urban. In the plains, therefore, every village had one or more towns in its vicinity. I shall first provide an analysis of caste in the past roughly during the middle of the 19th century, and then deal with changes in the modern times. Reference to weaving and spinning materials is found in the Vedic Literature. The chiefly families constituted a tiny proportion of the total population of any second-order division among the Kolis. Division and hierarchy have always been stressed as the two basic principles of the caste system. In the second-order divisions of the Leva Kanbis, the Anavils and the Khedawals, while the hypergamous tendency was strong, attempts were continually made to form small endogamous units: although the strength of the hypergamous tendency did not allow these units to function effectively, they nevertheless checked its free play to some extent. All the small towns sections in each of the ekdas resented that, while the large town section accepted brides from small towns, they did not reciprocate. Most of the other eighty or so second-order divisions among Brahmans, however, seem to be subdivided the way the Vania second-order divisions were subdivided into third-order and fourth-order divisions. The primarily urban castes linked one town with another; the primarily rural linked one village with another; and the rural-cum-urban linked towns with villages in addition to linking both among themselves. Marriages were usually confined to neighbouring villages, so that marriage links were spread in a continuous manner from one end of the region to another. [CDATA[ The incidence of exchange marriages and of bachelors in the lowest stratum among the Anavils also was high. It used to have a panch (council of leaders) and sometimes also a headman (patel). The handloom weavers of Gujarat, Maharastra and Bengal produced and exported some of the world's most desirable fabrics. Not only that, there were also third-order divisions (i.e., ekdas) in one or more second-order divisions, and finally one or more fourth-order divisions (i.e., tads) in one or more third-order divisions. In spite of them, however, sociologists and social anthropologists have not filled adequately the void left by the disappearance of caste from the census and the gazetteer. The Rajputs relationship with the Kolis penetrated every second-order division among them, i.e., Talapada, Pardeshi, Chumvalia, Palia, and so on. Leva Sheri and Kadva Sheri, named after the two major second-order divisions among the Kanbis. The indigenous Kolis in the highland area of Pal in eastern Gujarat were called Palia, but there was another smaller population of KoUs, who were locally called Baria but were actually Talapada immigrants from central Gujarat. It is possible that there were a few divisions each confined to just one large city and, therefore, not having the horizontal dimension at all. There was not only no pyramid type of arrangement among the many ekdas in a second-order Vania divisionthe type of arrangement found in the Rajput, Leva Kanbi, Anavil and Khedawal divisions-but frequently there was no significant sign of hierarchical relation, except boastful talk, between two neighbouring ekdas. So in this way, the Maharashtra caste list is given to all cast Aarakshan belonging to the Scheduled Castes category for the state of MH. The Chumvalias and Patanwadias migrated possibly from the same tract and continued to belong to the same horizontal unit after migration. Since Rajput as a caste occurred all over northern, central and western India (literally, it means rulers son, ruling son), the discussion of Rajputs in Gujarat will inevitably draw us into their relationship with Rajputs in other regions. % Although the name of a Brahman or Vania division might be based on a place name, the division was not territorial in nature. An important idea behind the activities of caste associations is: service to ones caste is service to the nation. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. <> The latter continued to be the provincial capital during Mughal rule. The urban centres in both the areas, it is hardly necessary to mention, are nucleated settlements populated by numerous caste and religious groups. Although my knowledge is fragmentary, I thought it was worthwhile to put together the bits and pieces for the region as a whole. Similarly, although the number of marriages between the second-order divisions in the Vania division, i.e., between Khadayata, Modh, Shrimali, Lad, Vayada, etc., has been increasing, the majority of marriages take place within the respective second-order divisions. The Brahmans and Vanias seem to have had the largest number of divisions as mentioned earlier, about eighty in the former and about forty in the latter. The point is that there was nothing like the endogamous unit but there were only several units of various orders with defined roles in endogamy. A few examples are: Brahman (priest), Vania (trader), Rajput (warrior and ruler), Kanbi (peasant), Koli (peasant), Kathi (peasant), Soni goldsmith), Suthar (carpenter), Valand (barber), Chamar (leatherworker), Dhed (weaver) and Bhangi (scavenger). caste: [noun] one of the hereditary social classes in Hinduism that restrict the occupation of their members and their association with the members of other castes. <>/ExtGState<>/ProcSet[/PDF/Text/ImageB/ImageC/ImageI] >>/Annots[ 9 0 R] /MediaBox[ 0 0 612 792] /Contents 4 0 R/Group<>/Tabs/S/StructParents 0>> Here, usually, what mattered was the first-order division, as for example Brahman, Vania, Rajput, Kanbi, carpenter, barber, leather-worker, and so on. Briefly, while the Varna model was significant in the total dynamics of the caste system to fit the numerous first-order divisions into the four-fold Varna model in any part of India is impossible, and, therefore, to consider varnas as caste divisions as such is meaningless. Similarly, the Vanias were divided into such divisions as Disawal, Kapol, Khadayata, Lad, Modh, Nagar, Nima, Porwad, Shirmali, Vayada, and Zarola. Marco Polo a Venetian merchant on his visit to India in 13th century Gujarat observed that "brocading art of Gujarat weavers is par excellent". While some hypergamous and hierarchical tendency, however weak, did exist between tads within an ekda and between ekdas within a second- order division, it was practically non-existent among the forty or so second-order divisions, such as Modh, Porwad, Shrimali, Khadayata and so on, among the Vanias. Systematic because castes exist and are like each other in being different (298). Kuntasi, Lothal and Somnath of Gujarat regions in Harrapan civilization were familiar with weaving and the spinning of cotton for as long as four thousand years ago. While certain first-order divisions were found mainly in towns, the population of certain other first-order divisions was dispersed in villages as well as in towns, the population of the rural and the urban sections differing from one division to another. Unfortunately, although the Kolis are an important element in Gujarats population, their earlier ethnography is confusing, and there is hardly any modern, systematic, anthropological, sociological or historical study, so that the confusion continues to persist. The two areas merge gradually, and my field work covered most of the spectrum. Usually, a single Koli division had different local names in different parts of Gujarat, but more about this later. //]]>. I hope to show that the integration of the study of caste in urban areas with that of rural areas is essential to a comprehensive understanding of caste and its implications for Indian society and culture. Both were recognized as Brahman but as degraded ones. Far from it, I am only suggesting that its role had certain limitations and that the principle of division was also an important and competing principle. The most Mehta families were found in USA in 1920. But during the 18th century, when the Mughal Empire was disintegrating, a large number of small kingdoms came into existence, and each had a small capital town of its own. ADVERTISEMENTS: Division and Hierarchy: An Overview of Caste in Gujarat! There is enormous literature on these caste divisions from about the middle of the 19th century which includes census reports, gazetteers, [] The advance made in recent years is limited and much more needs to be done. This last name is predominantly found in Asia, where 93 percent of Limbachiya reside; 92 percent reside in South Asia and 92 percent reside in Indo-South Asia. They also continued to have marital relations with their own folk. The larger castes and even larger subdivisions among them used to have their houses segregated on their own streets (called pol, sheri, khadki, vad, khancho). For example, all Vania divisions were divided into a number of ekdas or gols. Weaving and cloth trading communities of Western India particularly of Gujarat are called Vankar/Wankar/Vaniya. Before publishing your articles on this site, please read the following pages: 1. The name, Talapada, meaning mdigenous, commonly used in the 19th century, is most clear, since it is clearly distinguished from the other division called Pardeshi, meaning foreign, who during the last one or two centuries immigrated here from the area around Patan in north Gujarat and were, therefore, also called Patan- wadias. As weaving is an art and forms one of the most important artisan community of India. Together they provide a slice of Gujarati society from the sea- coast to the bordering highlands. r/ahmedabad From Mumbai. I have not yet come across an area where Kolis from three or more different areas live together, excepting modern, large towns and cities. There was also another important correlation. The hierarchy, however, was very gradual and lacked sharpness. The ekdas have not yet lost their identities. As could be expected, there were marriages between fairly close kin, resulting in many overlapping relationships, in such an endogamous unit. Pocock goes on to observe that diminution of emphasis upon hierarchy and increasing emphasis upon difference are features of caste in modern, particularly urban, India: there is a shift from the caste system to individual castes and this reflects the change that is taking place in India today (290). Almost all the myths about the latter are enshrined in the puranas (for an analysis of a few of them, see Das 1968 and 1977). I do not propose to review the literature on caste here; my aim is to point out the direction towards which a few facts from Gujarat lead us. Thus, while each second-order Koli division maintained its boundaries vis-a-vis other such divisions, each was linked with the Rajputs. Although I have not, during my limited field work, come across hypergamous marriages between Rajputs and Bhils, ethnographic reports and other literature frequently refer to such marriages (see, for example, Naik 1956: 18f; Nath I960. Unfortunately, such figures are not available for the last fifty years or so. Moreover, a single division belonging to any one of the orders may have more than one association, and an association may be uni-purpose or multi-purpose. For example, among the Khadayata Vanias there are all-Khadayata associations as well as associations for the various ekdas and sometimes even for their tads (see Shah, Ragini 1978). Although the ekda or tad was the most effective unit for endogamy, each unit of the higher order was also significant for endogamy. professor melissa murray. In recent years, however, there has been a tendency to emphasize hierarchy as the primary principle encompassing the principle of division. In India Limbachiya is most frequent in: Maharashtra, where 70 percent reside, Gujarat . endobj How many sub-divisions existed in the various divisions of the various orders is a matter of empirical investigation. The main occupation of Vankars was the weaving of cloth. Bougies repulsion) rather than on hierarchy was a feature of caste in certain contexts and situations in traditional India, and increasing emphasis on division in urban Indian in modern times is an accentuation of what existed in the past. While fission did occur, fusion could also occur. The understanding of changes in caste is not likely to be advanced by clubbing such diverse groups together under the rubric of ethnic group. Traditionally, the Brahman division was supposed to provide the priests for the corresponding divisions. The primarily rural and lower castes were the last to form associations and that too mainly after independence (1947). I will not discuss the present situation in detail but indicate briefly how the above discussion could be useful for understanding a few important changes in modern times. If the first-order divisions are called jatis and castes, the second-order divisions would be called sub-jatis or sub-castes. Even the archaeological surveys and studies have indicated that the people of Dholavira, Surkotada. . The idea of inter-caste marriage is, moreover, linked with the idea of creating such a society involves a compromise with, if not subtle negation of, the ideal. The castes of the three categoriesprimarily urban, primarily rural, and rural-cum-urbanformed an intricate network spread over the rural and urban communities in the region. To give just one example, one large street in Baroda, of immigrant Kanbis from the Ahmedabad area, named Ahmedabadi Pol, was divided into two small parallel streets. Most of the second-order divisions were further divided into third-order divisions. Created Date: manvar surname caste in gujaratbest imperial trooper team swgoh piett. Caste associations have been formed on the lines of caste divisions. Gujarat did not have anything like the non-Brahmin movement of South India and Maharashtra before 1947. That there was room for flexibility and that the rule of caste endogamy could be violated at the highest level among the Rajputs was pointed out earlier. Roughly, while in the plains area villages are nucleated settlements, populated by numerous castes, in the highland area villages are dispersed settlements, populated by tribes and castes of tribal origin. There were Brahman and Vania divisions of the same name, the myths about both of them were covered by a single text. They are divided into two main sub-castes: Leuva Patels and Kadva Patels, who claim to be descendants of Ram's twins Luv and Kush respectively. One important first-order division, namely, Rajput, does not seem to have had any second-order division at all. For example, among almost every Vania division there was a dual division into Visa and Dasa: Visa Nagar and Dasa Nagar, Visa Lad and Dasa Lad, Visa Modh and Dasa Modh, Visa Khadayata and Dasa Khadayata, and so on. TOS 7. I have, therefore, considered them a first-order division and not a second-order one among Brahmans (for a fuller discussion of the status of Anavils, see Joshi, 1966; Van der Veen 1972; Shah, 1979). Of particular importance seems to be the fact that a section of the urban population was more or less isolatedsome may say, alienatedfrom the rural masses from generation to generation. Caste associations in Gujarat were formed mainly among upper castes to provide welfare (including recreation), to promote modern education, and to bring about reforms in caste customs. There was also a third category called Pancha, derived from the word punch (meaning 5) and denoting extremely low Vania. The Hindu population of Gujarat was divided first of all into what I have called caste divisions of the first order. Simultaneously, there is gradual decline in the strength of the principle of hierarchy, particularly of ritual hierarchy expressed in purity and pollution. So far we have considered first-order divisions with large and widely spread populations. Many of these names were also based on place names. endobj to which the divisions of the marrying couple belong. www.opendialoguemediations.com. They had an internal hierarchy similar to that of the Leva Kanbis, with tax-farmers and big landlords at the top and small landowners at the bottom. Although they claimed to be Brahman they were closely associated with agriculture. Broach, Cambay and Surat were the largest, but there were also a number of smaller ones. In the city, on the other hand, the population was divided into a large number of castes and each of most of them had a large population, frequently subdivided up to the third or the fourth order. This was unlike the situation among the Rajputs who did not make any attempt to form small endogamous units. We had seen earlier that in the first-order division, such as that of the Rajputs, there were no second-order divisions, and no attempt was made to form small endogamous units: hypergamy had free play, as it were. The highland Bhils seem to have provided brides to lower Rajputs on the other side of the highlands also, i.e., to those in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh (see, for example, Doshi, 1971: 7f., 13-15; Aurora 1972: 16, 32f.). The two categories of castes have been deeply conscious of these differences between them and have been talking freely about them. The Rajputs, in association with the Kolis, were probably the only horizontal unit which had continuous internal hierarchy, i.e., hypergamy unbroken by any endogamous subdivisions, and which did not have discernible boundaries at the lowest level. 92. Britain's response was to cut off the thumbs of weavers, break their looms and impose duties on tariffs on Indian cloth, while flooding India and the world with cheaper fabric from the new steam mills of Britain. While we do get evidence of fission of caste divisions of a higher order into two or more divisions of a lower order, the mere existence of divisions of a lower order should not be taken as evidence of fission in a division of a higher order. 1 0 obj Also, the horizontal spread of a caste rarely coincided with the territorial boundaries of a political authority. On the other hand, there was an almost simultaneous spurt in village studies. We need to formulate some idea of the nature of the Indian urban society and its relation with the rural society in the past, at least at the beginning of the 19th century. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Category:Social_groups_of_Gujarat&oldid=1080951156, Social groups of India by state or union territory, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License 3.0, This page was last edited on 4 April 2022, at 12:36. In effect, the Vania population in a large town like Ahmedabad could have a considerable number of small endogamous units of the third or the fourth order, each with its entire population living and marrying within the town itself. For example, there was considerable ambiguity about the status of Anavils. Frequently, social divisions were neatly expressed in street names. There would be a wide measure of agreement with him on both these counts. I have discussed above caste divisions in Gujarat mainly in the past, roughly in the middle of the 19th century. rogers outage brampton today; levelland, tx obituaries. so roamed around clueless. He does not give importance to this possibility probably because, as he goes on to state, what is sought here is a universal formula, a rule without exceptions (ibid.). In some other cases, mainly of urban artisans, craftsmen and specialized servants, such as Kansaras (copper and bronze smiths), Salvis (silk weavers), Kharadis (skilled carpenters and wood carvers), Chudgars (bangle-makers) and Vahivanchas genealogists and mythographers), the small populations were so small and confined to so few towns that they had few subdivisions and the boundaries of their horizontal units were fairly easy to define. There was considerable elaboration in urban areas of what Ghurye long ago called the community aspect of caste (1932: 179) and frequently, this led to juxtaposition rather than hierarchy between caste divisions of the same order. 100 Most Popular Indian Last Names Or SurnamesWhy Don't Tamil People Have Last Names?-----A . It seems the highland Bhils (and possibly also other tribes) provided brides to lower Rajputs in Gujarat. The existence of flexibility at both the levels was made possible by the flexibility of the category Rajput. Third, although two or more new endogamous units came into existence and marriage between them was forbidden thereafter, a number of pre-existing kinship and affinal relationships continued to be operative between them. There is enormous literature on these caste divisions from about the middle of the 19th century which includes census reports, gazetteers, castes-and- tribes volumes, ethnographic notes and monographs and scholarly treatises such as those by Baines, Blunt, Ghurye, Hocart, Hutton, Ibbet- son, OMalley, Risley, Senart, and others.

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